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Nazi Germany | Triumph of Bolshevism
Reasons why the Nazis failed to make a political breakthrough by 1929 |
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How popular were the Bolsheviks by the time of the October Revolution? |
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The Bolsheviks used the October Revolution to take power in Russia, though they did not have the support of everyone in the country and a lot of the support they did have came not from the people of Russia agreeing with them but instead through a lack of choice politically. To answer the question of just how popular were the Bolsheviks by the time of the October Revolution, the first thing that needs to be considered is who exactly were the Bolsheviks and so what groups would they receive most support from. The Bolsheviks were a political party derived from a Communist group that had based it’s beliefs and ideals upon the teachings of Karl Marx. This group had split into two factions, the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks, the former, led by Lenin, striving for revolution and the latter aiming for reform believing Russia to be ill-prepared for such radical action. This question is far too broad to answer without considering the opinions of different groups within society, especially as they were a radical party by nature and so would always disagree with other political groups. Lenin’s party was called the Bolsheviks meaning ‘majority’ though this is not always the case when all the groups in Russian society are considered. Of course the Bolsheviks had massive popularity with the working class in urban areas. These workers had become highly politicised in the months before the October Revolution and had turned towards radical ideas, such as those presented by the Bolsheviks. The evidence for this is apparent when the results for the Moscow municipal elections are considered. In July the Bolsheviks received only 11% of the votes (75 000 votes) but by October they had 51% of the total votes (198 000 votes). Although they had been largely unknown in the countryside the Bolsheviks received a massive rise in support from the peasants in September. This may not be true support, merely support through default, but this will be explored later, though it is irrefutable that the Bolsheviks did become popular with the peasants through their promises to divide land between the poorer classes. The Bolsheviks were very popular with men in the army and the navy. Cells popped up within these forces over the summer greatly increasing the number of members of the Bolshevik Party from 10 000 members in February to 250 000 members in October. Whilst there is clear evidence that the Bolsheviks were very popular with these groups within Russian society, there is none to show support from the upper classes or the more moderate groups in society. This is because the Bolsheviks were simply not popular with these people. The more moderate groups such as the Kadets and the Mensheviks would not have seen the Bolsheviks in such a favourable light as they saw the Bolsheviks as a group who sought to steal their power and make radical changes rather than opting for the slower change of reform. Most of the popularity the Bolsheviks enjoyed could be traced back to the significant contributions of Lenin and Trotsky. One of Lenin’s greatest achievements was his use of slogans such as ‘Peace, land and bread’ and ‘All power to the Soviet’. These were so effective in increasing Bolshevik popularity due to their appeal to the masses. They were simple and so could be understood by the largely uneducated people of Russia and emphasised the mains aims of the Bolshevik party. They highlighted the failures of the Provisional Government; the fact that they had not yet divided up the land of the aristocrats, that thousands starved whilst food sat in huge piles by the side of the railways and that Russia was still involved in the First World War. These slogans are responsible for a lot of the working class support the Bolsheviks received as they carried such appeal to these people. However Trotsky’s contribution cannot be overlooked in causing the surge in Bolshevik popularity. After the failure of the ‘July Days’ Bolshevik popularity levels were very low but it is at this point when Trotsky made his greatest contribution to the party. After the Bolsheviks had helped defend Petrograd against General Kornilov he capitalised on the wave of support it created by pushing himself to the forefront of the attention. He used the popularity to get himself elected to the post of President of the Petrograd Soviet and this sudden shift of power created further popularity for the party. The actions and machinations of these two men created most of the popularity that the Bolsheviks enjoyed. However most of the Bolshevik’s popularity came from people’s disillusionment with other political parties, rather than the strengths of the Bolsheviks though they were very clever in capitalising on the failures of the others. The whole appeal of the aforementioned Bolshevik slogans was that they reminded people how the Provisional Government had kept Russia in the war and it’s people hungry and landless. The Bolsheviks would have been popular with the urban working class to a certain extent regardless of the government, as one of the Bolshevik ideals was to support the workers in a revolution. However in the last few months before the October Revolution they became massively popular with the workers largely due to the failures of the Provisional Government. They were angry about the amount of production they had to do for the war and how they were still being told how to run the factories when they thought by now they would be running them. At this point the workers became politicised, staging strikes and other protests, and found themselves drawn to the Bolsheviks and their ideas in even greater numbers than before. In effect the failures of the Provisional Government and their anger at the Mensheviks lack of action drove them to supporting the Bolsheviks. Bolshevism was almost unheard of in the countryside yet they did become very popular there due to the failures of the Provisional Government. When the peasants became impatient, and could no longer wait for the Provisional Government to do as they had promised and divide up the land, they turned to rioting and seized the land. Whilst they did not necessarily support the Bolsheviks, the peasants did become enamoured with the promises the Bolsheviks made and so their popularity, and that of their close allies, the left-wing Socialist Revolutionaries, grew in the countryside. The Bolsheviks also became the most popular party by default with groups such as the army because they were the only party who looked as if they would make the move to Soviet-control rather than just speculate on the subject, as the Mensheviks were doing. The Bolshevik slogan ‘All power to the Soviet’ perhaps mislead these soldiers who helped make the Bolsheviks more popular as it made it seem like the soviet would take control rather than implement a one-party state. These people may have not necessarily supported the Bolsheviks but they became popular with them, as they seemed to be promising a move toward Soviet-control. The Bolsheviks went through periods of great popularity and real derision in the year leading up to the October Revolution. At the time of the October Revolution the Bolsheviks were very popular with certain groups within Russian society, but obviously being a radical party they had certain groups who did not approve of them. Through the contributions of Lenin and Trotsky, who used slogans and precise political timing, the Bolsheviks became very popular with groups such as the workers in the cities, on their ideals alone. However most of their popularity came through default such as the peasants who would not necessarily supported them but did like their promises for immediate action. Overall, the Bolsheviks were not as popular at the time of the October Revolution as they would later claim. Whilst they did have support from certain groups who shared their radical views, more moderate people, even other Communists such as the Mensheviks, did not support them. They did become slightly more popular in the months before the Revolution through the failures of the Provisional Government and this gave them the momentum to help carry out the October Revolution. However to say they were nationally popular would be an embellishment of the truth, as they did have their supporters but they were not as numerous as Lenin would later state. B.M. Print friendly version of the essay The Bolsheviks were originally in a party called the Social Democrats, before the party was split in to two groups the Bolsheviks (the majoritarians) and the Mensheviks (minoritarians) at the 1903 Party Congress. The Bolsheviks followed the ideas of German philosopher, Karl Marx. The ideas were known as Marxism and it was a theory that believed in the development of industry and the working class to the triumph of socialism, the ideas were very much based around action and revolutions. The leader of the Bolsheviks was called Vladimir Ulyanov, also known as Lenin, he was very authoritative and believed that a revolutionary party should be made up of a small number of professional revolutionaries that are highly disciplined. He believed the party should have centralised leadership therefore have only one leader. Lenin also believed that having small cells of around three people would make it more difficult for policemen to infiltrate them, he wanted an organised party. The Bolsheviks believed in political action, like strikes, Marxist reading groups, use of cells and the use of slogans, propaganda. Support for the Bolsheviks mainly came from working class, they usually attracted younger, more militant peasant workers, who liked a strong leadership, discipline and slogans that were simple. By the time of the October revolution the Bolsheviks had managed to gain quite a lot of support, due to many reasons like the strengths of the party, its leadership and organisation and also the weaknesses of other parties and mistakes made by the provisional government. Lenin was an organised leader, he was a clever thinker and a practical man, he knew how to take advantage of events, he could easily boost the party’s popularity with Russians, and this was one of the reasons why he was able to seize power with the Bolsheviks. Also Lenin had Leon Trotsky who was a dedicated, organised revolutionary and became the leader of the Bolsheviks red army. Trotsky also wanted a workers’ government to be put in place as soon as possible, therefore he tried to gain the support of many workers and peasants. When the February 1917 revolution took place Lenin was in exile in Switzerland, during the February revolution Tsar Nicholas II was overthrown and a provisional government was formed by liberal politicians to rule Russia until a Constituent Assembly could set up a new system of government. However the Provisional government had little power in Petrograd and the Soviets had a lot of the power. The soviets were led by socialist intellectuals, and they represented soldiers and workers. They controlled the armed forces, industries and services in the capital. After the revolution things did not immediately get better, the provisional government decided to carry on in the war and there were still food and fuel shortages. Lenin realised that this could be the prime opportunity to gain support for the Bolsheviks, the provisional government was very weak and the Russian people were still in desperate need of help to stop the food shortages. Lenin decided to return to Russia in April 1917 to argue the Bolsheviks’ cause. The Germans surprisingly helped him to return in a sealed train, because they hoped that Lenin will cause another revolution, that would led to Russia ending the war, meaning the Germans would have more of a chance of winning the war. When Lenin arrived in Petrograd, there was a crowd waiting for him, therefore this shows the Bolsheviks were quite popular already in February 1917. When he arrived Lenin made a speech introducing his intentions for a revolution. He stated that he wanted a worldwide socialist revolution, an immediate end to the war, an end to co-operation with the provisional government, the soviet to take power and land to be given to the peasants. These demands were called the ‘April Theses’, when Lenin read them out to other social democrats, there were some people that agreed with them and some that disagreed. However with Lenin’s persuasive techniques he managed to ensure that the April Theses were the party’s policies. The Bolsheviks then changed the main points of the Theses into slogans: ‘Bread, Peace and Land!’ and ‘Power to all Soviets!’ these slogans appealed to the soldiers and workers as they met their expectations, whereas the Provisional government and the Soviet were failing to do anything about the war and food and fuel shortages. These slogans increased the popularity of the Bolsheviks as they promised everything that the majority of the population needed at this time of crisis, the Bolsheviks especially gained more support from the peasants and workers, that were not well off as they were in a great state of poverty. The popularity of the Bolsheviks grew even more in the summer of 1917 as the workers became even more disenchanted with the policies that the provisional government had. The policies that the Bolsheviks had at this time, to end the war, control employers, and to increase food supplies were very popular and appealed to many people. Membership of the Bolshevik party grew dramatically and so did the support for the party. It was in the summer of 1917 that Leon Trotsky joined the Bolshevik party and he had an enormous impact on the party and helped dramatically in the seizing of power in October 1917. At the beginning of July the workers and soldiers began to riot in the streets, this is what is known as the July days. On the 3 rd of July Sukhanov civilians, soldiers and armed groups were marching in the streets. On the 4 th of July, 20,000 armed sailors from the Kronstadt naval base arrived in Petrograd. The sailors marched to the Tauride Palace where they demanded that the Soviet take power. The socialist Revolutionary leader, Chernov went to calm the revolutionists but in the end he was captured by them, Trotsky went and released him. The popularity of the Bolsheviks decreased at this time, because Lenin did not get involved the revolution, when the rioting started Lenin was on holiday. When he returned on the 4 th of July he appealed for restraint and the Bolshevik central committee cancelled the demonstrations for the next day. The workers and soldiers therefore thought that the Bolsheviks did not really care about setting up a workers government, seeing as he did not try and seize power. Also Trotsky helped the Socialist Revolutionary leader and this made the workers feel that he was helping the opposition. Without leadership the attempt to seize power failed and many Bolsheviks were arrested including Trotsky and Lenin fled to Finland. Therefore because Lenin was in Finland he could not fight the Bolshevik cause, so popularity for the Bolsheviks decreased. The soviet newspaper, Izvestia, criticised the role that the Bolsheviks had in the July days and said that the Bolsheviks cause may never recover. This shows that the popularity for the Bolsheviks was damaged due to the July days. The Kornilov affair helped increase the popularity of the Bolshevik party again. Kerensky was prime minister at this time, he knew that he had to restore law and order into Russia after the rioting of the July Days so he selected General Kornilov as the new Supreme Commander of the Russian forces. Kerensky thought Kornilov was trustworthy and would bring troops willing to protect the government. However Kornilov wanted to try and seize control of the government and create military control. Kerensky was very worried about this when he found out and he denounced Kornilov and asked the soviet to help protect Petrograd. Many soldiers and workers were also worried about the ideas of Kornilov as it may have meant the return of the old order and the gains that came out of the revolution may have been lost. The soldiers in particular were worried about the power they may lose that they had gained. The Russian people needed help and this was when the Bolsheviks came to the rescue. When the Bolshevik’s Red Guard Army appeared in Petrograd Kerensky gave them weapons just incase Kornilov and his guards arrived to try and seize power, however Kornilov’s troops did not arrive. The railway workers stopped the train, which was carrying the troops to Petrograd and then Bolshevik officials managed to persuade them not to go ahead with the uprising. Kornilov was then arrested. After the Kornilov affair the Bolsheviks looked like heroes due to the mistakes of Kerensky, by giving weapons to the Bolsheviks it showed that he was obviously a weak prime minister and relied on the opposition to help stop his government being taken over. Also by giving the Bolsheviks weapons it meant they would be able to seize power more easily later on. The Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionary leaders became more unpopular for being associated with Kerensky. However on the other hand popularity for the Bolsheviks grew dramatically, they were seen as heroes and defenders of Russia that had stopped the revolution from going ahead. On the 9 th September, the Bolsheviks gained overall control of the Petrograd soviet and on the 25 th September Trotsky was elected to be President of the Petrograd soviet. Also the Bolsheviks took control of the Moscow Soviet, this shows that the popularity of the Bolsheviks increased after August due to the Kornilov affair. Even though the Kornilov affair did increase support for the Bolsheviks historian Chris Read states in the book ‘From Tsar to Soviets: The Russian People and their Revolution 1917-21’ that popularity for the Bolsheviks was rising before Kornilov tried to seize power. In the August elections to the Petrograd City Duma, the Bolsheviks polled 33 per cent of the votes, which was a close second to the Socialist Revolutionaries. Many Menshevik supporters were changing to support the Bolsheviks. This shows that the Bolsheviks were already growing in popularity before the Kornilov affair, however this just increased support for them even more.In September and October the time before the October revolution the Bolsheviks were at their peak in popularity. The workers were becoming very radical because of the shortage of food, the inconsistent rages that could not keep up with the inflation and the increase in unemployment. Many strikes took place and workers’ committees began to seize control of work places in order to try and save their jobs. Middle-classes were accused of hoarding food, and their houses were broken into and employers were assaulted. Many people did not have enough food and people were starving and living in poverty. The provisional Government was not giving any help to the workers and the Mensheviks were weak and unhelpful, therefore the Bolshevik party was the only political party that offered the workers and soldiers a chance of change. In the countryside there was also an increase in violence, as the peasants could not wait for the provisional government to make any changes. The peasants would not normally support the Bolsheviks but it had got to the stage where they needed a change and the Bolshevik’s promise ‘Peace, Bread and Land’ was very appealing to them. Sources show that the Membership of the Bolshevik party in 1917 increased dramatically from February to October and it is estimated that the membership of the Bolshevik party in February 1917 was 10,000, however by October 1917 it was 250,000. This is a dramatic increase and shows that the Bolshevik party was very popular by the October 1917 revolution. Also sources show that in the Moscow municipal elections in July 1917 the Bolsheviks won around 76,000 votes only 11% of the overall number of votes, whereas in October 1917 they won around 198, 000 votes an incredible 51% of the overall number of votes. This shows that the Bolsheviks had managed to gain a lot of support between February and October, just in time for the Bolsheviks to try and seize power.Overall I feel that the Bolsheviks were very popular by the October 1917 revolution, because there are many sources that state how many elections they won and the membership numbers for the Bolsheviks in October 1917 and they show that the Bolsheviks had a lot of support and were the most popular political party by the October 1917 revolution. I feel that the Bolsheviks had managed to gain support due to the strengths of the party, Lenin was a very strong leader, he was a good-thinker and able to get things to work out to benefit the Bolsheviks. Also Trotsky was very organised and able to plan revolutions for the Bolsheviks that would go their way. Also I feel that the weaknesses of other institutions like the Provisional government, was one of the reasons why the Bolsheviks gained support. When the Provisional Government was set up they decided to carry on with the war however this was making the country poorer and lead to food and fuel shortages. The provisional government was weak and indecisive and this caused workers and soldiers to turn to the Bolsheviks for support as they offered promises like, ‘Bread, Peace and Land’, which appealed, to them. The Kornilov affair also favoured the Bolsheviks, it showed Kerensky as being weak and unable to protect his own government from riots and revolutions, Kerensky had to turn to his opposition the Bolsheviks for help to stop the government being taken over. This showed the Bolsheviks as being heroes and protecting Russia from a revolution. However overall I feel that even though evidence shows that the popularity of the Bolsheviks had increased dramatically by the time of the October 1917 revolution, I think it was many due to the fact that the country was in chaos and workers and soldiers desperately needed a chance to have a better life, one which did not include food and fuel shortages and unemployment. The Bolsheviks were the only political party at this time to offer what the Russian people needed, ‘Bread, Peace and Land’, therefore support for them increased, however if Russia had not been in this state I do not believe that the Bolsheviks would have been so popular, I think it was purely due to the fact that Russia was in chaos at the time when the Bolsheviks were around. K.F. |
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October Revolution |
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Why were the Bolsheviks successful in October 1917? Although their success in the October Revolution was a great boost in power for the Bolsheviks, it is debatable how much of their success can be attributed to their own proficiency; at the time they seized power, Russia’s economy was in disarray, and the peasants were angered by the current state of control. Thus one must consider how much of the Bolsheviks’ success was down to skill – and how much was the result of fortune and circumstance. The weakness of the Provisional Government did much to fuel the success of the Bolsheviks. Since April, peasants had been taking more and more of the land that they felt was rightfully theirs – however, they sought the Provisional Government’s approval; approval that it was not prepared to give, preferring to wait for the structure of the Constituent Assembly. Circumstances surprisingly did not improve with the introduction of the Socialist Revolutionaries into the Provisional Government – although Chernov believed that the legality should be organised later and land allowed to be seized for now, the original liberals of the government prevented his ideas from coming into force. Although this decision in itself seemed reasonable, it was illogical and shortsighted; the peasants would continue to seize the land regardless, and it gave the Bolsheviks another ideal opportunity to capitalise on the Provisional Government’s misfortunes. The Bolsheviks secured the support of the peasants by its powerful slogans such as ‘Bread, Peace and Land!’ – it made promises that the peasant population could not resist, promises that provided an antithesis to the approach of the increasingly unpopular Provisional Government. Of course, such promotion of the taking of land was not a proactive aspect of the Bolsheviks’ actions – instead, they were simply applauding events that could not be turned around. The worsening economic state under the Provisional Government also aided the Bolsheviks – 100 000 jobs were lost due to the closure of 568 factories in Petrograd alone; the lack of grain in the cities led the government to send punishment brigades into the countryside, but this only served to further isolate the peasants and prices continued to rise. There was frustration among the peasants that the February Revolution had changed little – wages remained low, and employers continued to treat workers poorly. Strikes increased, and the workers turned on the government, who felt they could not change circumstances due to the pressures of industrialists. Thus this left the Bolsheviks with an ideal opportunity to gain the support of the proletariat – by promising the provision of bread and the end of the economically damaging war, the Bolsheviks could convince peasants that they were the only party representing workers’ needs. However, arguably the biggest blunder of the Provisional Government was in its approach to the War; as Trotsky noted on his return to Petrograd, “the masses no longer believed in the war… training was going on only because no one had thought of stopping it” – thus the Provisional Government’s decision to persevere was detrimental to its success. Socialists in the Soviet championed a defence-only approach to war; however, Minister of War Milyukov advocated the acquisition of territory, particularly Constantinople, and so was forced to resign because of the socialists’ opposition. Needless to say, his resignation resulted in damage to the Provisional Government, and so on the 5 th of May it was reformed – a reformation that brought in Socialist Revolutionary leader Chernov and Menshevik leader Tsereteli. This meant that any subsequent failure in the war would be attributed to these two parties – thus the events that would follow were disadvantageous for the Bolsheviks’ rival parties, and therefore beneficial to their own success. Kerensky, in the climate of the Provisional Government, instigated a fresh offensive in July 1917 – in its name he furthered propaganda, and his persona with the middle classes remained popular through his adept speeches and visits to the fighting fronts. Unfortunately, his popularity with the army itself did not improve; the soldiers remained decisively against war when the people wanted peace, and actions such as deploying the Women’s Death Battalion simply suggested that the government was desperate. Not only were the methods of the July offensive harmful, but also the possible reasons behind it; if, as speculated, the offensive was related to the Entente Cordiale, then this apparent allegiance with France and Britain would imply a lack of patriotism on the part of the Provisional Government. Although the Bolsheviks’ demonstrations on the 4 th July – those against Petrograd units such as the Bolshevik Military Organisation being sent to the frontline – were quashed, the offensive proved to be another damaging move of the Provisional Government; from this, the Bolsheviks could capitalise on their own patriotic image. Leon Trotsky was instrumental to the military aspect of the Bolsheviks’ success. By September 1917, German troops were advancing on Petrograd, and the isolated Provisional Government was increasingly powerless to instruct Russian troops – thus the Bolsheviks deployed military forces such as the Red Guards to protect Petrograd; these actions showed a strength and promise in the Bolsheviks that was not present in the weakened Provisional Government. Trotsky went on to head the “armed insurrection” of October from the Smolny Institute, and on the 24 th October he directed the Red Guards and other military units to seize key factories and buildings so that the Provisional Government would be surrounded; Trotsky stated that this acquisition was met “almost without resistance”, and the government subsequently collapsed; the government’s submission to Bolshevik force displayed the power the Bolsheviks appeared to have. The appointment of Trotsky as People’s Commissar for Army and Navy Affairs in 1918 prompted a revival of the Russian military force, and displayed what had been so appealing about his approach against the Provisional Government. Where the army had been under lax control, Trotsky powerfully threatened that subversion of his rules would result in shooting; more positively, he proved his dedication by frequently visiting the fronts the Russian Army was fighting on. Thus to assume that the success of the Bolsheviks was wholly incidental would be to belittle their prowess; although the failures of the Provisional Government provided an ideal catalyst for the Bolsheviks, it was also Lenin’s strong leadership that led the Bolsheviks to success. He saw that, whilst support for the overthrow of the government was strong, it was at its strongest within the uneducated proletariat; thus he believed the force could be led effectively by an elite group of educated individuals, and shrewdly tailored Bolshevik beliefs to cater for the workers. Although the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks stemmed from the same Russian Social Democrat party, Lenin saw the Mensheviks’ steady following of Marxism as too slow – he instead favoured a revolutionary approach, and it was this that appealed to the frustrated and radicalised peasant population of Russia. However, it cannot be denied that the Bolsheviks were lucky in terms of rival parties – the opposition was disorganised, and became increasingly unpopular after the February revolution. The Mensheviks wanted to continue fighting in the war, a deeply unpopular choice; it was seen that the “necessities of life” – ie bread – were being bypassed in the name of funding the war, and so any party supporting the war was unpopular with the large proletariat. The Mensheviks also made the mistake of associating themselves with Kerensky and the Provisional Government, and so their weaknesses were reflected on them – moreover, the party was loosely organised, with Mensheviks themselves holding many differing views quite openly. The Socialist Revolutionaries, whilst they had been popular in the February revolution, also had dubious organisational merit; they could not decide on whether to use political or brute force, and their credibility as a radical group was damaged by the Bolsheviks’ ambitious actions of October 1917. Thus the true ability of the Bolshevik party during October 1917 is hard to gauge – although Trotsky and Lenin were skilled leaders, their carpe diem approach was indicative of a fortunate turn of events for the Bolsheviks. It would seem that circumstances were in their favour – alternatives were weak, and the proletariat was radicalised and ready for change; thus although the Bolsheviks were a competent force, their success appeared to be largely thanks to the currently chaotic state of Russia. A.T. |
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Consolidation of power |
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How well did Lenin deal with the problems and threats facing him in the first months in power? |
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The Bolsheviks had an unexpected but great success of taking power of Russia, from having little support and not being known with many members in prison or exile they dominated the Petrograd Soviet and had over 250,000 members by the October revolution. However, they still had many popular parties against them and the public were still frustrated with the situation of the country with numerous demands of the Bolsheviks. Russia’s economic state was still unstable with ongoing riots and strikes, the Bolsheviks had many problems but which was their biggest to face and which was their greatest achievement to solve? One of the most important tasks Lenin faced was to enforce his authority within Russia. This was particularly important because of the fragile state of the economy and uncertainty as to the political direction of Russia, with so many chaotic parties all still trying to grasp the Bolsheviks power. An official way that Lenin did this was creating the Sovnakom which gave the people a structured council they could recognise. However, practically the Bolsheviks were still unidentifiable to the far regions of the country and the Sovnakom was often not perceived as the authorized ruling body of Russia. Through the Sovnakom, Lenin as chairman fulfilled his earlier promises in his April Thesis. The Bolsheviks had expected a revolution where their crossing into power would be fluid but they still had enormous pressure from the public which they had to surrender to in order to consolidate their power. However, the Sovnakom did give Lenin with Trotsky the freedom to rule and show their strong leadership. It seems that the Sovnakom was respected, possibly from the decrees Lenin gave that the people wanted, until the Politburo in 1919 which seems it was a success for Lenin but overall, it seemed that the public would only co-operate with the Sovnakom when the way the Bolsheviks ruled agreed with them. Also, the fact that the Sovnakom was only Bolsheviks and Lenin’s refusal to include others isolated the party further which could keep them in a precarious state of rule. It seems that Lenin’s initial use and creation of the Sovnakom to consolidate and confirm their power was successful but the exclusive nature of the council from Lenin’s radical ideas had a negative impact on the security of their position, this then suggests it was not the greatest accomplishment of the Bolsheviks. We can particularly see this from the fact that civil servants and state bank refused to co-operate with the Bolsheviks or see them as the ruling body. With the minimal influence of the Sovnakom it was then crucial for Lenin to raise his popularity among the public. Therefore, in March 1918, the Treaty of Brest – Litovsk was signed after much conflict, mainly led by Trotsky, within the party but Lenin felt it necessary to ensure their survival. With the economy already struggling, the massive reparations were a hard-hitting blow – 74% of coal and 62 million of the population but now the Bolsheviks could focus on rebuilding Russia. Russia was still very vulnerable to Germany, they could easily invade them at any point and now the Allies who where depending on Russia to keep fighting the Germans felt disappointment. Also, the Russian people felt the Bolsheviks were un-patriotic to agree to such a callous treaty, even though they wanted peace it could be seen that Lenin had let the Germans be too authoritative, as well as the fact that it showed the Germans Capitalist society as more successful than the Lenin’s plans of a Communist structure. To fully accomplish the ‘peace, land, bread’ slogans, Lenin ordered decrees that redistributed the land to the peasants. This shows how desperate the situation was for Lenin as even with his rigid and extreme ideas, he compromised the Bolshevik ideology to let the land be brought, sold or rented (February 1918). However these land decrees helped their popularity and encouraged other values that the Bolsheviks were trying to uphold, such as class warfare and scepticism of the middle and upper classes. Also it started supported communist systems of having the entire land for the ‘entire people’ though the nationalisation of land, especially the churches land which was an organisation that Lenin was keen to cripple. The factories were other places that Lenin was forced to compromise the Bolshevik ideology as he delegated the management to the factory committees rather than nationalise under the state, which he would have preferred. Another decree that Lenin reluctantly gave was the ‘rights of the people of Russia decree’ that gave total autonomy to the minorities of Russia. This could be seen as a dangerous move after they had already lost 62 million of the population to Germany and with a damaged economy one of the only defences Russia had at this time was its large population. A great achievement of Lenin when considering his approaches of gained support was the increase of equality and working conditions for many workers. Through the new semi-independent factory committees positive reforms such as 8hour days, 48hour weeks and equality for women- regarding property, voting and work. For the Sovnakom and the policies to be effective a system enforcing them needed to run parallel with them. Thus, after 2 months in power Lenin introduced the Cheka, emphasising its temporary status being used to investigate any cases of ‘counterrevolution’. Lead by Felix Dzerzhinsky, his passion and zeal seemed to pass through the whole organisation, as it grew to have its own prisons and trials. Dzerzhinsky didn’t even bother wit secrecy or concealing the organisation as he openly said to the newspaper Novaya Zhizn; "we represent organized terror-this must be said openly-a terror which is absolutely essential in the revolutionary period we are passing through." This seemed to be a cunning approach as revealing his strategies of organised terror increased the fear of the people. However, he could be suggested that Lenin and Dzerzhinsky tried to tighten the hold on Russia too much too quickly, as a series of policies which seized peoples freedom of press, opposition parties, and management of banks and industry from nationalisation. It was easy for Lenin to push the people too far, with memories of the Tsars Okhrana still fresh, they seemed more analogous to the methods of Lenin. With the creation of the Cheka came the abolishment of the justice system, which resulted in more violence and arbitrary justice but this was biased towards the Bolsheviks. Therefore, for Lenin this was a constructive progression that strengthened his position by liberating the Cheka to be able to influence all areas and groups of society, and force them into collaboration. Another triumph for Lenin in the Cheka was not just the effective fear and control it brought to the Russians but indirect manipulation, as they encouraged class warfare towards the burzhui. There seemed to be strong communication between the Bolsheviks press and Cheka, as Lenin used powerful propaganda and maximised the use of the press with the Cheka emphasising and enforcing the same principles in practise, making a valuable partnership. In general, Lenin’s use of the Cheka was successful in dealing with the threats against their order of the country, even though there was an obvious lack of justice and bigger grip on the public’s freedoms. It seemed that Lenin made many mistakes concerning the Bolsheviks opposition as he excluded most parties with the Sovnakom, and then affronted the few Social Revolutionaries after disagreements with the treaty of Brest-Litovsk. He then aggravated the hostility with progressively abolishing all other political parties, from the more extreme Rightists (Kadets) to the socialists like Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries who generally had mostly similar principles. However, many of Lenin’s political opponents still controlled key institutions like public safety committees and local soviets which left Lenin’s position vulnerable to uniting political parties against him, i.e. a civil war. Compared to most of the current parties it seems that Lenin and the Bolsheviks were the most fanatical and co-ordinated, as generally others were wearier of a civil war and tried to avoid conflict. Many still did not have high expectations for Lenin and were sure they would soon diminish, and instead anticipated for a permanent Constituent Assembly that worked as a democracy. Nevertheless, Lenin’s action of closing the Assembly, due to a lack of recognition in elections, only infuriated the public who were in favour of a fair and elected government. Lenin’s main criticism of the Assembly was that it was dictated by bourgeoisie rather then it representing the people, this was similar to much of the class warfare that he encouraged. He openly called them ‘bloodsuckers’ and ‘parasites’, he directed the anger of the peasants towards the middle classes which united the people with a common enemy and convinced people they therefore needed Lenin to bring justice into the country. This is best seen in the army, where democracy was emitted in the form of equal salaries, abolishment of titles- only ‘comrade’ and a loss of respect for authority. The violence towards the bourgeoisie was extended to any well- dressed people or burzhui; this shows the influence of Lenin and the Cheka and the success of his encouragement. Some could claim that the civil servants were a separate opposition to the Bolsheviks as they cause many strikes and riots, at one point they would explicitly refuse to work for the new Ministers that Lenin appointed. In one source it suggests that Trotsky was greeted with ‘ironic laughter’ as he ordered them to work. Lenin in conclusion to the problem ‘purged’ and arrested the central strikers, and for a more permanent result started a system of promotion for those who were loyal and brought in new pro- Bolshevik workers. Although this dealt with opposition within the civil service, it began a cycle of corruption and poor quality work from the new inexperienced workers. Therefore, it seems he only dealt with a small factor of the situation rather than the whole issue. The military was tenuous after the treaty of Brest- Litovsk. On one hand, it gave them the opportunity to go and join other parties or go straight to Petrograd and overthrow Lenin. It seems rather than Lenin’s categorical leadership that stopped them doing this- it was the frustration and weariness of the soldiers that made them go directly back to their homes. However, he did bring in democratisation for the solders in December 1917 which the officers had desired throughout the war with Germany. This included elections of officers, elimination of ranks, saluting and decorations but this did not advance the army or strengthen it, it wasn’t until January 1918 with the creation of the Red Army that discipline and aggression was introduced. This was significantly needed at this point because of the vulnerable of the position of Lenin within Russia and the threats of other countries. Generally, Lenin did introduce the democracy and socialism that he promised into the army but did restore the army until months after it was first needed. n conclusion, Lenin did make some decisive and effective judgments which proved his strength as a leader; however, there were still some areas that he struggled for success. For the economy and conditions for the people he established some positive improvements, these policies were mainly implemented through his April Thesis promises, such as the moderate working hours and distribution of land to the peasants. Alternatively, he’s restoration of law and order and enforcing his position as Russia’s leader weren’t as successful. There was still much opposition to his regimes, even after banning other parties and imprisoning leaders it still didn’t stop people’s reluctance to acknowledge his leadership. As this was what caused his exuberant use of the Cheka, it shows he had to use extreme measure to ensure loyalty and people weren’t actively supporting him. However, it could also be argued that law and order and establishing authority were the hardest problems that any leader would have faced and that although he didn’t solve all the problems he made significant differences in the problematic areas of the economy. Therefore, I believe that Lenin’s greatest achievement was the improvements to the economy and that with the unstable nature of all the aspects of Russia at this time he dealt with the problems decisively and efficiently which proves his intensity and strength as a leader. H.W. |
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Civil War |
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Why were the opponents of the Bolsheviks unable to defeat them in the Civil War? The Whites is the general term given to the opponents of the Bolsheviks during the Civil War period of 1918-21. They were made up of several different groups of people, including the liberals, former Tsarists, nationalists and separatists, Socialist Revolutionaries and other moderate socialists. These groups had very little in common, except a hatred for the Bolsheviks, and what they were doing to Russia. The reasons for why they wanted to be rid of the Bolsheviks differed from group to group. The Socialist Revolutionaries didn’t like the way that the Bolsheviks were leading Russia away from democracy. Meanwhile, many Tsarists and aristocrats wanted a return of the dictatorship of the Tsar. The Whites faced almost certain loss in 1920, but the Treaty of Riga of March 1921 put the final nail in the coffin. There were several reasons for this loss. Partly, it was due to the strength of the Reds, but it was also caused by several weaknesses of the White armies. One of these reasons for the White’s inability to win was the divided leadership of the White armies. There were several, completely separate armies under the White banner. The main armies were Admiral Kolchak’s in the east, Yudenich’s in the northwest, and Denikin’s (later replaced by Wrangel) in the south. These armies all wanted to get rid of the Bolsheviks, but if this were achieved, they would have wanted to take control of Russia themselves with their view in place. As a result, there was virtually no co-operation between them. They fought independently, making it easier for Red forces to beat them one-by-one. Proof of this is that at no point in the war did any of these major armies actually make a joint offensive on specific points. Instead, they just each tried to earn individual victories. This was a large factor of the fact that they were unable to defeat the Bolsheviks. While the Reds were well organised and united, the Whites were uncoordinated. They couldn’t beat the Bolsheviks individually but may have had a better chance of success if they had effectively joined together. Another reason why the opponents of the Bolsheviks were unable to win was the geography of the war. The sheer size of Russia worked against the Whites. It was 6400km from east to west, and 3000km from north to south. This was especially significant due to the fact that the armies were divided, as it meant that it was very difficult to communicate and coordinate attacks (which had to be done with an officer on horseback). But as well as that, the vastness of Russia meant that they had to move their troops and supplies over huge distances, making it difficult to maintain control. While the Reds were centralised around the main industrial cities, the Whites were scattered across Russia. The areas under Bolshevik control were the most heavily populated and as the Reds introduced conscription, it left them with a much larger army than many if the White armies. The geography of Russia, and the position that the Reds had taken up made it very difficult for the opponents of the Bolsheviks to win, as it made communication extremely hard. If the war had covered less ground, it would have been easier for the White armies to coordinate, but with the large distances, this communication would have been very slow. The Reds had better morale in the army than their opponents. This was for several reasons. One of the main reasons was Trotsky and his team of antagonizers who got troops worked up and ready to fight. It may also have been partly down to the Reds use of special troops armed with large guns and orders to machine-gun deserters. The knowledge that the Reds couldn’t desert would have meant that their troops had to fight the opponents of the Reds or face an even higher chance of death than the war. This means that they may have been more focussed on fighting against the Whites. As well as this, they were fighting for a very definite cause, as opposed to the Whites who fought for different causes. Leaders in the White armies were generally not very good. Kolchak was an accomplished admiral on the seas, but had no experience of wars on land. As well as this, Socialist Revolutionaries gave him the title of ‘Supreme Ruler’, before he turned round and had hundreds of them rounded up and arrested. Socialist Revolutionaries therefore decided to undermine Kolchak at every opportunity. Several others were cruel and treated their men with contempt. They reminded soldiers of the terrible days of the Tsarist army, leading to little warmth towards leaders. This meant that there were higher desertion rates amongst the Whites. If the opponents of the Reds were going to win the war, they would have needed to have a determined army, who strongly supported the cause, and wanted to win, instead of the deserters that there were. It is true that there were a large number of desertions in the Red army (4 million by 1921), there were more in the Whites camp. The lack of morale of the opponents of the Bolsheviks must have aided their inability to win the war. If the troops had been more determined, they would have had more numbers fighting against the Reds, and would also by more driven to win. The opponents of the Bolsheviks weren’t necessarily the most popular side during the war. In fact, the Reds were often seen as the lesser of two evils, due to the fact that the Whites often behaved with great brutality and cruelty. The Reds often had the support of the peasants despite the fact that the peasants often resisted requisitioning of grain and resented losing their best horses to the war effort, they were much preferred to the Whites. They burned down entire towns, destroyed property and stole. They took peasant farmer’s crops and livestock by force and tortured and executed any who resisted. This was then focussed on by Bolshevik propaganda. Inevitably, due to this, many peasants, who made up a large proportion of both the armies of the Whites and the Reds, hated and feared the Whites. As well as this, many of the members of the White army were supporters of the Tsarist system that would mean that the peasants would have to give up their newly acquired land. In fact, Kolchak even gave estates to landlords who hadn’t even own it in the first place. While the peasants didn’t like the Reds due to conscription, the Bolsheviks had legitimised their land, which was still better than the Whites. The peasants were a key part of the support during the war, as they gave troops, as well as much needed supplies of food. If they favoured the Bolsheviks, the Whites wouldn’t have done very well in a drawn out war, as they would have run out of supplies. In conclusion, there were a lot of different factors contributing to the opponents of the Bolsheviks having an apparent inability to win the Civil War. The Reds were simply superior to them in a number of ways. They had a better situation, as they were united around the main industrial cities of Russia where the highest populace was, whereas the Whites were dispersed across the rural land of Russia. The Reds were determined to win and well organised, while the Whites lacked morale, with groups undermining others such as Kolchak and the Socialist Revolutionaries. Trotsky superbly led the Reds through the war, while the leaders of the White armies were often terrible leaders and hated by their own troops. Peasants favoured the Reds over the Whites. War Communism gave the Reds vital resources, while peasants angrily fought the Whites off their land. For them to defeat the Reds, it would have taken severe differences in all of these factors. Victory was in no way assured by the Reds, but the Whites did themselves no favours, while the Reds exploited the weaknesses of their opponents. M.M |
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Civil War broke out in Russia due to the Bolshevik’s reluctance to share power and the fact that initially they only had limited control of Russia. The conflict began in the summer of 1918 and involved the Bolsheviks who were known as the Reds, their political enemies who were known as the Whites and the so-called Greens. Despite the Bolsheviks dwindling support and Lenin’s poor decision making, why was it that the whites were unable to overcome the Reds? The Whites were formed from different groups such as Liberals, former tsarists, nationalists and separists, which meant that they had diverse aims. This was a significant factor that contributed towards them being unable to defeat the Bolsheviks and win the civil war. The only aspect of their aims that was corresponding was that they were all anti-bolshevik. The whites were divided with regards to their aims, the liberals supported military dictatorship until law and order was re-established whereas the socialist revolutionaries sought the Constituent Assembly to control and operate Russia. They were unconcerned about winning the favour of the people of Russia and were inexpert in politics; they were unaware that war was in fact an additional feature of politics. Due to the division within the Whites, it was not uncommon for white armies to fight each other; it was this lack of unity that meant the Whites were unable to defeat the Bolsheviks and win the Civil War. Although the Whites were divided in their views and aims concerning the governing and operation of Russia, in retrospect foreign intervention should have increased their chances of becoming victorious in the Civil War. Countries such as Britain, France, Japan and the USA sent troops to help the Whites defeat the Bolsheviks. Britain sent £100 million worth of supplies, as Churchill viewed the Whites as crusaders and therefore supported them. A large amount of the support was not due to fact that they felt the need to help; many of their countries had their own interests at heart. The French were keen to stop the Bolsheviks as they had put millions of francs into Russia, the Bolsheviks had then nationalised foreign-owned business without compensation. The Japanese also had different reasons for sending forces to Russia; they took the opportunity to seize valuable territory, rather than fighting the Bolsheviks. The USA also had their own agenda for joining the Civil War; they sent troops to the same area as Japan to prevent them from seizing any land. The general participation of the other countries was unenthusiastic, which therefore made their contributions futile for the Whites. The troops that were sent were tired of war and there was no support from the public. The only way in which the allies were useful was for the supplies that were given to the whites; the soldiers played no part in any serious military action. Foreign intervention should have worked in the White’s favour, and to a certain extent it did, providing them with supplies and weapons however due to its ineffectiveness it presented the Reds with the opportunity to use it against them. The Bolsheviks produced propaganda using this, portraying themselves as defenders of Russian soil against the foreign forces. One red poster depicts the white generals Denikin, Kolchak and Yendenich as slavering dogs under the influence and control of the Western interventionalist leaders. In addition to the failure of foreign intervention, geographical factors also created and highlighted issues for the Whites. Strategically the position of the Reds was highly advantageous for them; they held the central area including Petrograd and Moscow. The benefits of being in close proximity to the central areas included that they were heavily populated compared with the White-held areas; this resulted in the Reds being able to conscript more men to fight and outnumber the Whites. Trotsky was able to move troops and supplies swiftly to areas under attack by means of an armoured train. As the Commissar for War, this enabled him to visit the battlefront and take personal command of the troops. The Bolsheviks moved the capital to Moscow, which was central to the railway network and allowed them to transport men and equipment to the battlefronts. The Bolsheviks also had access to more war materials than the Whites, as they were situated near armament factories in Russia. The vast majority of all artillery, rifles and military equipment went to the Bolsheviks, which meant that the Whites heavily relied on the supplies from the allied countries. The position of the Whites was relatively detrimental to their campaign against the Bolsheviks as they were strewn around the edges of the central areas, isolated by large distances. As a result of their unfortunate location communications proved to be problematic, particularly when moving men and weapons and formulating the attacks of the various White armies. To communicate messages amongst the various armies, they had to use officers on horseback, as they had no telephone links.
As well as the poor positioning of the Whites, other factors that contributed to their failure include inadequate leadership and military discipline. The Whites had an astonishing level of indiscipline and corruption; Denikin even stated “I can do nothing with my army,” which demonstrated that the generals were aware of the weaknesses and inabilities within their troops. At Kolchak’s base, uniforms and munitions that had been supplied by foreign interventionists such as Britain were sold via the black market. Officers of the White armies often lived in brothels and indulged in vodka and cocaine, which illustrated the corruption and disarray of the white armies, which was not improved upon by their leading generals. The White leaders were generally second rate, many were cruel and treated the men in the armies with disdain, which was reminiscent of the Russian army and the tsarist rule. This resulted in there being very little support for them, and was the cause of many people deserted the White armies. In contrast, Trotsky was an excellent leader for the Bolsheviks, as he was courageous and took special forces to the battlefronts where the military action was fiercest. He had the ability to motivate and stimulate the men in the Red Army, which was a huge asset to the Bolsheviks as their inspired army was much more effective compared with that of the Whites. The support from the peasants was a vital factor of the Civil War as they supplied the majority of soldiers for both the Reds and Whites. Although the soldiers had little love for either side and were just as likely to desert the Reds as from the White armies to which they had been conscripted. Lenin had legitimised their right to the land whilst the Whites made it clear that land would be restored to its previous owners, this resulted in the peasants being more inclined to support the Reds. The White leaders sought to restore the Russian empire with its pre-1917 borders, this provoked separatists such as the Ukrainians who were in search of more autonomy in their affairs or complete independence. This resulted in their refusal to support the Whites, when White forces were based in their territory. Urban workers and peasants wanted to defend the gains of 1917; the Reds seemed to offer them the best possibility to do this. Not only were the shortcomings of the Whites a major factor of their defeat, the strengths of the Bolsheviks also contributed towards the Whites being unable to win the Civil War. The Reds had better leadership in the form of Trotsky, who provided them with support and equipment to aid the fighting at the Battlefronts. The Reds also made use of propaganda, whereas the majority of the Whites did not see its value. The Reds used imaginative and emotive imagery to gather support from the peasants and urban workers, which was essential to their campaign. The Bolshevik’s army was unified and effective in contrast with that of the Whites, which made it much easier for them to work together to achieve success. The Bolsheviks positioned themselves better than the Whites, which made communication a great deal easier and the central areas also provided them with men that they could conscript. Despite the fact that the Red army was hastily assembled, the Whites could not defeat them in the Civil War, this was the result of a number of contributing factors. The Whites were divided and all had different aims and agendas, which meant that at times they fought each other rather than the enemy. They were also poorly positioned, which made communication difficult and also gave the Reds an advantage over them. The poor leadership and discipline of the White armies also meant that there were a large number of deserters, as well as corruption. The Whites should have been helped by the foreign intervention; however these countries were tired of war, which made their involvement ineffective and apathetic. The strengths of the Reds also meant that it was difficult for the Whites to overcome them; they were united and had a strong leadership in the form of Trotsky. Their positioning meant that they had an advantage over the Whites; they were able to gather support and also conscript men into their army. The factor that contributed most to the White’s defeat was the poor leadership, if stronger more effective leaders had led them there may have been less corruption and perhaps more organisation, which would have allowed them to defeat the Reds and become triumphant in the civil war. J.R. |
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Economic policies |
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Why did the economic policies adopted between 1918 and 1920 arouse opposition within the Bolshevik Party and the USSR?
The Bolsheviks had many policies, which they approved in 1918 and 1920, like War Communism and the NEP, new economic policy. These policies caused opposition within the Bolshevik party and amongst other groups of Russian people, due to many reasons. War Communism was the economic policy, which was set up in 1918 by the Bolsheviks during the Russian Civil War. The aim of War Communism was to keep the Red Army and towns supplied with weapons and food, and the Red Army needed supplies for the war. War Communism began in June 1918 and was enforced by the Vesenkha, which was the Supreme Council of National Economy.War Communism had many features, such as, grain requisitioning, banning of private trade, nationalisation of industry, labour discipline and rationing. Grain requisitioning, was when the Bolsheviks sent Red Guards to the countryside to find grain, then in May 1918 a Food Supplies dictatorship was set up so grain could be forcibly seized off of the peasants. In 1933, 25 million tons of grain was collected, and this was only just enough to reach the demand. Grain requisition was very unpopular amongst the peasants as they could not make any money by selling their grain and did not have enough to eat as their grain had been given to the Red Guards. Also if the peasants refused to give their grain they were often harmed or killed. The red guards on the other hand were very much for grain requisitioning as it meant they got supplies of food. They were many uprisings though amongst the angered peasants. Private Trade and manufacture were banned. However, this lead to the state trading organisation being unable to produce enough consumer goods. This meant a black market developed and many people were able to get money by selling goods and also many people were able to buy goods and food, if they had enough money. However it still meant that private business owners, suffered as they were banned and unable to make any money, this caused opposition against War Communism and the Bolsheviks policies. Also workers lost their jobs and this meant they were not earning any money to live on. As well as banning private trade the industries that were still allowed were nationalised and bought under state control, and governed by the Vesenkha. Single managers that reported to the central authorities replaced workers’ Committees. Many people were opposed to the nationalisation of industry and business owners could not benefit from profits made from their businesses as it went to the state. However some business owners asked for their factory to be nationalised it was the only way to stop their business from being closed down. Further to nationalising industry, the discipline in the work place became very strict. Workers were fined if they were late for work or were lazy. Internal passports were made to stop workers from being able to escape to the country. Also many workers were beaten or killed if they did not turn up for work. The only way the workers could get food was by being given a workbook which when signed enabled them to get their rations. However if they did not work hard enough their books would not be signed and they would not receive any rations. The discipline was very strict and this caused many workers to oppose the policies that the Bolsheviks had adopted and felt that they were not trying to help the situation, as many workers were not getting enough rations, and were having to deal with poor working conditions and low pay. As well as rationing being introduced to workers, they were also introduced to red Army soldiers, civil servants and professional people, like doctors. Also rations were given to the burzhui. The Red Army were given larger rations, the rations given to civil servants were much smaller and the middle class were given barely enough to live on. The introduction of rationing upset many people and created a lot of opposition towards the Bolsheviks and their policies. The middle class were especially angry by this policy as they had been used to living life comfortably and were now barely being able to survive by the inadequate supply of rations which they were receiving. The middle class also had their homes seized or they had to share them with workers, and they were not allowed to work. The middle class lost everything, which made them oppose and not agree with the Bolsheviks policies. In addition toindustry being controlled, railways were controlled and agriculture. Organisations such as the SEC were set up. The Supreme Economic Council had the right to confiscate and requisition. Also the glavki were responsible for thousands of factories. The Commissariat of Transport controlled the railways and The Commissariat of Agriculture controlled what the peasants did. The Bolsheviks insured that many aspects of the Russian people’s lives were controlled; this caused a lot of disagreement within the Russians, as they had no freedom.The economy suffered quite badly, because of War Communism and banning private business and nationalising industry, by 1921 the rouble had dropped in value dramatically and caused inflation to increase. Also taxes were abolished except for the ‘Extraordinary Revolutionary Tax’, however this was only targeted at the rich and not the workers, which upset the rich, as they were the only ones that had to pay tax. Overall War Communism was a disaster and very unpopular amongst many different people. Peasant farmers could only grow enough grain for themselves as if they grew more it would be seized by the state and given to the Red army this made the peasants very angry and against the Bolshevik policies, as they were unable to make a profit from selling their grain. Industrial cities were also being starved of food as the grain was given straight to the armies. If there was a bad harvest as well it would be disastrous and starvation and malnutrition was common. Many people who lived in the cities moved to the countryside, to try and grow food for themselves so they could survive. Between 1916 and 1920 the cities and northern and central Russia lost 33% of their population to the countryside. Large factories were just producing 18% of their 1913 figure. Coal production was at 27% of its 1913 figure in 1920. In the countryside most land was being used to grow food so there was a huge drop in cotton production between 1913 and 1920 by 87%. War Communism was unpopular, even though the Russian people were easily manipulated by the Bolsheviks as they managed to convince them that it was the failings of the whites that had caused the problems with War Communism and if there were any strikes Lenin quickly got the rebellions locked up. The Bolsheviks also blamed all of Russians problems on the Whites as they controlled the areas, which would have supplied the factories with produce. No foreign countries were prepared to trade with Russia, under Bolshevik control, as they were against their policies so foreign trade did not exist. Even though the Bolsheviks were good at putting the blame on others, soon it came clear to the Russian people and many strikes and uprisings took place in Tambov and in Siberia. Even the Bolsheviks Krondstadt sailors were against the policies, they realised that the ideals that they were fighting for were not what they thought they were fighting for in the first place, and were on the verge of rebellion. Overall War Communism was unpopular; the peasants could not make a profit and were living with hardly any food and money. The Middle Class lost everything and were living off of very inadequate amounts of rations. Many people became unemployed due to small businesses being closed down and business owners lost money due to their businesses being closed down. The workers that worked in nationalised industries had very poor working conditions and poor rations. Also Kronstadt sailors began to disagree with the Bolshevik policies. There were many riots and rebellions. Also there was disagreement within the Bolshevik Party as Lenin said War Communism enabled the soldiers to win, Bolshevik members were against this idea and the fact that Trade Unions were controlled, also some Bolsheviks believed that their policies were going against Bolshevik Vvalues. Socialist Revolutionaries were also against the policies made by the Bolsheviks and attempted to assassinate Lenin and kidnap Dzerzhinsky, who was the leader of the Cheka. Also in the summer of 1918, the Red Terror occurred, Lenin sent the Cheka to arrest Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks and imprison them. On the 17 th July 1918 the Tsar and family were shot and killed, the Bolsheviks denied to having anything to do with it. This made many Tsar supporters angry and the Bolsheviks and their policies were becoming very unpopular, therefore Lenin decide to replace War Communism with the New Economic Policy. On March 21 st, 1921, the New Economic Policy, NEP, replaced War Communism. The policies of the NEP were that grain requisitioning was abolished, small businesses were reopened, the ban on private trade was eradicated and the state controlled heavy industries. Grain requisitioning was replaced by a tax, instead of having their grain seized from them, peasants had to give a fixed proportion of their grain to the state, however the amount they gave to the state was less than what was requisitioned, they could then sell any surpluses they had for profit. The peasants could then make money for themselves and make a living, the peasants therefore agreed with this policy as it meant life was looking more prosperous. However this did cause opposition from the upper class as they did not like to see the peasants doing well for themselves, and also members of the Bolshevik party thought that by letting the peasants make profits for themselves, was going against Bolshevik values.Small businesses that were under private ownership were allowed to reopen and make a profit. This meant Business owners were able to sell their produce to make a benefit and they were able to compete against other business owners. This policy suited small business owners as it meant they had the freedom again to make a living. However many Bolsheviks did not like this idea as it was going against Marxism and the Bolsheviks policies and was making Russia become more Capitalist. Private Trade was allowed once more and this meant food and goods could easily be exchanged between the cities and the countryside. Private owned shops were allowed to reopen and rationing was stopped and people had to buy their food from their income. This meant people had to fend for themselves and they had a chance again to make something of themselves, they were not able to get rations anymore but they were able to work where they wanted and independently and therefore could afford to buy their own goods and food. Russia’s economy was increasing and the majority of the Russian people liked the new policies as it gave them the chance to earn a reasonable income and set up their own businesses. Many Bolshevik members opposed the New Economic Policy, as they saw it turning Russia into a Capitalist country, where people could make a profit for themselves.Even though small businesses were allowed to reopen the state still controlled the large industries such as coal, oil and steel. They also stayed in control of transport and the banking system. Industries were put into trusts, they had to buy the materials they needed and also pay their workers out of their own budgets. Also if the industries needed financial support the state would not bail them out. Industries were much more independent and had to support themselves. Many business owners agreed with these policies, as it meant they got to compete against other industries and try and make a profit for themselves. The New Economic policy was successful, even though it was unpopular with many Bolshevik members, agricultural production increased greatly, this was due to the fact that farmers could sell their surpluses for a profit and this was an incentive for them to produce more crops. As well as agricultural production increasing, small factories were also beginning to increase output, from 1920 to 1923 factory output rose by almost 200%. Private owned shops, cafes and restaurants reopened, and Russian people were getting back to their normal lives. However the government was still running large-scale, heavy industry and banks and because they did not really believe in the policy of industrialisation, the agricultural sector was growing much faster than the industrial sector. Therefore to be able to keep their income high, industries increased their product prices, three times higher than the agricultural prices. However because of the increase in costs of the manufactured goods, peasants had to produce much more wheat to be able to purchase consumer goods. The fall in agricultural prices and the increase in industrial goods was known as the Scissors Crisis. Peasants decided then to not sell their surpluses until they could sell them for higher prices or they sold them to NEPmen, which was the name given to tradesmen men, they then sold the produce on at high prices. Many members of the Communist Party did not agree with NEPmen as they thought they exploited urban consumers. To help stabilise the prices of consumer goods, the government tried to tackle inflation and fixed prices to stop the scissor effect. Even though many workers, peasants/farmers and business owners benefited from the NEP and were pleased with the policies as they gave them a chance to be independent and make a profit for themselves, many members of the Bolshevik party were very much against the policy and it caused opposition within the party. Some party members thought the NEP was betraying the principles of the October Revolution, also they believed the new economic policy, had very capitalist ideas as it let people be independent and run their own businesses, the new policy did not have Marxists ideas, when the Bolsheviks were meant to follow the ideas of Marx. Also many members saw the NEP as a betrayal of communist principles and they thought that in the long-term it would have a negative effect on the economy. The NEPmen were seen as threat, as they were very successful tradesmen and under Bolshevik beliefs everyone was meant to be equal and not be more successful than others. However the members of the Bolsheviks realised that the party could result in losing power if they carried on the way they were, as there were splits in the party. They did want the Bolsheviks to be united again; so decided the NEP could be a temporary measure. However Lenin said that “The NEP is in its earnest and long-term”. This again caused disagreement within the party. Also the nobles disagreed with the NEP, because it gave the peasants a chance to trade and make a profit. Overall the policies adopted between 1918 and 1920 aroused opposition within the Bolshevik Party and Russia, this was due to many reasons. Firstly War Communism, which was set up, the policies, which included grain requisitioning, banning of private trade, nationalisation of industry, labour discipline and rationing, upset many people. Peasants lost a lot of their grain and could only grow enough for themselves and were unable to sell any for a profit. Private trade was banned and small businesses were shut down, this angered many business owners who lost a lot of money and could not be independent any more and make their own profit. Industries were nationalised and under state control, so workers had no freedom any more and the only way they could get rations was if they got their workbook signed. Labour was very strict to, workers were shot or beaten if they were late or did not turn up to work. Also everyone had to have rations even the rich and middle class, this upset them as they were not use to living on basic food rations, and the middle class lost everything and had to give or share their homes with workers. Also then the New Economic Policy was set up, however this still caused opposition, as not everyone agreed with the policies. Members of the Bolshevik party believed the NEP was going against Bolshevik policies and the ideas of Marxism and were making Russia’s economy very capitalist, as it was allowing individuals to make a profit and be independent, especially the peasants and farmers. Also they felt NEPmen were becoming too successful when the Bolsheviks should believe in treating everyone equally and not allowing individuals to become more successful than others. Overall the policies made by the Bolsheviks between 1918 and 1920 were unpopular and this was due to many reasons. K.F. |
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Why did Stalin emerge as leader of USSR? |
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Stalin emerged as the leader of the Bolshevik party in 1929 due to a variety of lucky events and carefully considered political decisions that caused him to eliminate all his opponents, including his most significant rival, Trotsky. Amongst party members Stalin was known as “Comrade Card-Index,” one who assembled and dealt with party paperwork, however they were not aware of “what power [he] was accumulating wherein,” which subsequently brought about their downfall. Stalin becoming leader of the USSR in 1929 was greatly aided by him taking on many seemingly boring and undermined positions within the party. However they enabled him to accumulate power and influence throughout the whole Bolshevik party, which proved key to his success and to Trotsky’s downfall.Previous historians saw Stalin’s pre 1924 career as a “dull grey blank” (Nicolai Sukhanov-1922) however recent research has shown it as significant to his uprising. As there were few members in the early Bolshevik days Lenin knew them all well and because he liked Stalin’s excellent organisation he included him as one of the six members of the Central Committee, where he helped make policy and wrote the Pravda. His heritage as being Georgian paid off after the October Revolution when he was made Commissar for Nationalities, this saw the beginning of Stalin becoming the cold hearted and ruthless man which he is infamous for. Stalin was given jobs that other Bolsheviks viewed as tedious and unimportant, none of them “saw in the Stalin of 1923 the menacing and towering figure he was to become,” (I. Deutscher, the Prophet Unarmed). Positions such as the General Secretary and the Liaison Officer between the Politburo and Ogburo he used to his advantage. In both of these positions Stalin gathered personal information about Bolsheviks and built up individual files, which would include information such as character and loyalty. As Stalin also had the power of patronage this enabled him to place certain people in key positions within the party, therefore gaining their support and thus having the influence to oppose any policies he did not agree with, and pass any policies he felt beneficial to his cause. Stalin used his control of party membership to supervise the Lenin Enrolment, which began in 1924; this saw the party membership double with mostly young urban workers and uneducated peasants. This was advantageous to Stalin’s rise to power because they were unlikely to contend with any of his ideology and simply follow the instructions which they were given. Culminating this evidence it is most possible that without these positions and the influence they gave Stalin within the party, he would not have been able to gather sufficient support to aid his rise to power against all opposition (including Trotsky) and succession of Lenin as leader. Luck has often been attributed to Stalin’s rise to power opposed to Trotsky, as several favourable events which occurred without his influence placed him in very favourable positions. One of these such events occurred immediately after Lenin’s death in 1924, and was Kamenev and Zinoviev preventing his final testament being read out in congress. It could be seen that Stalin insulting Lenin’s wife fuelled the dispute between them and resulted in the insult which was recorded in Lenin’s testament, “I am not sure that he will always know how to use that power with sufficient caution.” As Stalin had used the event of Lenin’s death to portray himself as Lenin’s loyal disciple this would prove lethal to his political success. However because the testament also contained other critical opinions of Zinoviev and Kamenev they preventing it being publicised, saving Stalin in the process. Secondly the death of Dzerzhinsksy in 1926 who was the head of the Cheka and very anti-Stalin allowed Stalin to finally infiltrate the Cheka with some of his supporters, and gain a footing in the most powerful fighting body in the whole of Russia and finally turn them against his opponents. Lastly due to perhaps the increasing threat Lenin felt, if he had not died when he had then Stalin “would probably have been sent to the provinces to work for the party” (M.McCauley, Russia 19179-41). This would have removed Stalin from Petrograd and the Bolshevik head quarters, which would subsequently have removed him from contending with Trotsky when Lenin died. These lucky events aided Stalin greatly in his emergence as leader in 1929, otherwise he may have been crushed by the Cheka, been removed from the political running or been disgraced publicly. Although Trotsky had many attributes he also was lacking in characteristics essential for a leader. E.H Carr (Socialism in one country) acknowledged that Trotsky was a “great intellectual, the great administrator; the great orator,” however he also stated he lacked “one quality essential” to be a great political leader. He had no ability and patience to establish support amongst his equals or colleagues of lesser intelligence. He unlike Stalin would not make an effort to give favours and therefore gain support, consequently when it came to votes he always appeared extremely unpopular at Congress. Secondly Trotsky was also resented for being a Jew and for recently joining the Bolshevik party, this was because the majority of the party were anti-Semitist and also felt that new members hadn’t proved their loyalty. As proved in the propaganda war of 1920’s without a power base Trotsky’s abilities were useless against Stalin’s infiltration and support within the party. Trotsky’s odd diffidence and inability to contend against Stalin with the same level of support meant that his efforts to become leader were futile. Stalin had a harsh and ruthless character with many attributes which proved important in his succession of Lenin as leader. From a young age Stalin was rebellious, involving himself in terrorist activities and robberies to raise money for the Bolshevik government. He was arrested and escaped from prison a full eight times, which earned him a reputation as a loyal and staunch Bolshevik, and therefore earned him respect. One of Stalin’s childhood friends noted “he was a good friend as long as one submitted to his imperious will,” this quotation indicates that he was determined in his aims and also a very formidable enemy. However after Stalin’s wife’s death he stated that with her went his “last warm feelings for people,” this may be seen as a contribution towards his autocratic and ruthless ruling. However despite Stalin’s commitment, loyalty and dedication towards the Bolshevik ideal he was seen as a “shabby and inarticulate man in the background,” (L. Deutscher – the Prophet Unarmed) one which everyone ignored to focus on the seemingly greater threat of Trotsky. Stalin’s independence and disregard for anyone else ensured that he could without qualms mislead and then crush any of his opponents, for example at Lenin’s funeral Stalin tricked Trotsky into missing it, losing him much favour. Stalin’s strengths of loyalty, ruthlessness, and perseverance enabled him to outmanoeuvre all his opponents and where necessary trick them to their downfall, for example when he initially sided with the Left Bolsheviks, knocked them out and then did the same to the Rights. His personal characteristics were vital for his emergence as a leader opposed to Trotsky, as he had to compete with Trotsky’s excellent orator skills in order to remove him as a threat. Stalin used the differences between his and Trotsky’s policies to display Trotsky as ridiculous and to promote himself as realistic and someone whose key aim was to protect Russia. Stalin’s policy was named ‘Socialism in One Country’ and focused on consolidating the revolution, modernising Russia and turning the USSR into a defensive state. He opted to move on from the NEP, a set of emergency measures to ensure survival during the civil war that most Bolsheviks were dissatisfied with (seemed a betrayal of their communist ideals). The NEP had served it’s purpose to bring Russia through their time of economic poverty however was preventing industrialisation because it was not producing sufficient grain to make enough money through exportation. During 1913 12 million tonnes of grain was produced, whereas in the years of the NEP the most produced was 3 million, this meant exports were only at 33% and imports at 38%, this was destroying the economy. The fact that most Bolsheviks saw the movement away from the capitalist ideas of the NEP as positive combined with the added threat of invasion (relations with France, Poland, Britain and Japanese had deteriorated) proved Stalin’s plan of industrialisation very popular. Therefore Stalin’s sensible and practical approach to focus on the security of the USSR before attempting permanent revolution showed him as a better candidate that Trotsky to act in the USSR’s best interests and gained him the support which enabled him to succeed. Trotsky’s main policy was to encourage a permanent revolution, in which it was the USSR’s role to spread communism to other countries, he also wanted to continue with the NEP, both these factors therefore contributed to his unpopularity within the party. Trotsky believed that the USSR needed to bring communism into other countries because Russia was ‘incapable of holding her own against conservative Europe’, because her working class was too small and economy too underdeveloped. However influenced by Stalin most Bolsheviks saw him as an enemy to the state because he was promoting interference with other countries when Russia was at threat from invasion. Trotsky did not succeed over Stalin because he was unwilling to compromise and appeared to make unintelligent political decisions that would put Russia at stake. Stalin during his political uprising sided with both the left and the right side of the Bolshevik party at different times, this political manoeuvring enabled him to wipe out his opponents including Trotsky. Initially Stalin sided with the centre of the party, Zinoniev and Kamenev, however when he suggested ‘Socialism in One Country’ and also supported the NEP he created an alliance with the right side (Bukharin etc) causing Zinoniev and Kamenev to rebel in 1925. It was luck which caused them in 1926 to join with Trotsky against Stalin and encourage mass demonstrations in Moscow, this enabled Stalin to expel all three of his main rivals for factionalism and remove Trotsky from the running for leadership. However in 1928 Stalin turned against the NEP and attacked the right wing of the party, Bukharin stated, “He changes his theories according to whom he needs to get rid of next.” This may seen cruel however it was Stalin’s political manoeuvring which finally enabled him, even if by luck to remove Trotsky as a threat, and allow Stalin to become leader himself. In conclusion Stalin emerged as the USSR’s leader in 1929 opposed to Trotsky because of a combination of factors, some pre-planned and some lucky. For example it was due to luck that he was able to initially appear at Lenin’s funeral as his loyal disciple and therefore gain respect and trust, however it was after years of hard work that he was able to use his political positions (such as general secretary) to infiltrate his supporters into key positions. Trotsky however brought about much of his own downfall by being diffident to the extent he allowed Stalin to build up a huge support base vital to his success whereby he made no attempt to make alliances or gain support. E.N. |
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Society & the arts |
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Year 12 students undertoook projects on the impact of Bolshevism on society and the arts, in particular the attempt to rid Russia of the evidence of Tsarism, through cultural and social changes. Here are some examples of their work. |
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